Tuesday, December 19, 2006

Iraqi Ex-Minister Escapes Jail in Green Zone

Comments later--Pete

BAGHDAD, Dec. 18 — Iraq’s former electricity minister, the most senior official arrested on corruption charges here, made a brazen escape Sunday afternoon from an Iraqi jail in the heavily fortified Green Zone.

There were conflicting reports about how the former official, Aiham Alsammarae, who is a citizen of both the United States and Iraq, was able not only to break out of jail but also to elude capture in the four-square-mile area that includes the American Embassy, Iraq’s Parliament and the homes of politicians and members of the American military command.

In fact, the Americans were not even told about the jailbreak until the next day, said a senior Western official familiar with the investigation.

As of late Monday, neither the Iraqis nor the Americans had any idea of where Mr. Alsammarae had gone.

Iraqi officials initially blamed the Americans and later claimed that a private security detail used by Mr. Alsammarae when he was a minister was responsible, saying that a fleet of S.U.V.’s filled with “Westerners” pulled up to the jail and spirited him away, perhaps with the complicity of some of his jailers.

“The majority of police were on duty patrolling” away from the jail, said the chief of Iraq’s Public Integrity Commission, Judge Radhi Hamza al-Radhi . A private security detail, he said, “used this opportunity to storm the station and take him away.”

American officials familiar with the investigation disputed that account, but spoke only on the condition of anonymity because the facts were not completely known and they did not want to contradict the Iraqis publicly.

“I don’t want this to get pinned on the Americans because this is clearly an Iraqi problem,” said the senior Western official. The prison is run by Iraq’s Interior Ministry, which has been plagued with problems, ranging from infiltration by militias to corruption.

“Outside the Green Zone, they complain that security is the reason they cannot do their jobs,” the Western official said, referring to the Iraqi police. “In the Green Zone they just have to do their jobs.”

While the Green Zone is the most protected part of this country — a maze of massive concrete blast walls and military checkpoints with thousands of armed guards working for private security firms and American soldiers — Mr. Alsammarae was hardly kept under tight security.

He was not even locked up in a cell. Instead, he was quartered in a spare officer’s room near the lobby of the prison. He had at least two cellphones and a computer with access to e-mail. He behaved more as a friend to his jailers than a prisoner.

During a recent visit by a reporter and a photographer from The New York Times, Mr. Alsammarae was allowed to walk out in front of the jail and guide a tour of sorts around the facility. He went to where the cells are located and chatted with a deputy finance minister who was also in jail.

Western officials familiar with the investigation into his escape said that there may have been confusion about the involvement of American or other foreign private security forces because, hours before Mr. Alsammarae disappeared, a fleet of S.U.V.’s did stop by the prison.

However, the official said, they were there to pick up two Iraqi policemen for a joint search of a suspected weapons cache elsewhere in the Green Zone. The official said Mr. Alsammarae was seen at least an hour after those vehicles left.

Mr. Alsammarae arrived in Iraq just after the American invasion in 2003 and was appointed electricity minister that summer by L. Paul Bremer III, the leader of the American occupation authority. He stayed on until May 2005. Mr. Alsammarae was convicted on one of several charges of corruption related to public expenditures by the ministry during his tenure. Though that conviction was overturned, other charges were pending.

In other developments on Monday, Saddam Hussein returned to court as prosecutors presented evidence that they said links him to the use of chemical weapons against the Kurds in the 1980s. Mr. Hussein, who was an ally of the United States at the time, is accused of leading a campaign that left 180,000 Kurds dead.

In violence on Monday, a car bomb killed five people and wounded at least 19 near a vegetable market in Sadiya, a Sunni area in the south of Baghdad. At least 44 bodies were found around Baghdad, many showing signs of being bound and tortured.

The United States military said three American soldiers had been killed. That raised the American death toll in December to 60, The Associated Press reported.

Copyright 2006 The New York Times Company

Why Smoking Marijuana Doesn't Make You a Junkie

By Bruce Mirken, Marijuana Policy Project
Posted on December 19, 2006
http://www.alternet.org/story/45535/

Two recent studies should be the final nails in the coffin of the lie that has propelled some of this nation's most misguided policies: the claim that smoking marijuana somehow causes people to use hard drugs, often called the "gateway theory."

Such claims have been a staple of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy under present drug czar John Walters. Typical is a 2004 New Mexico speech in which, according to the Albuquerque Journal, "Walters emphasized that marijuana is a 'gateway drug' that can lead to other chemical dependencies."

The gateway theory presents drug use as a tidy progression in which users move from legal drugs like alcohol and tobacco to marijuana, and from there to hard drugs like cocaine, heroin and methamphetamine. Thus, zealots like Walters warn, marijuana is bad because it leads to things that are even worse.

It's a neat theory, easy to sell. The problem is, scientists keep poking holes in it -- the two new studies being are just the most recent examples.

In one National Institute on Drug Abuse-funded study, researchers from the University of Pittsburgh tracked the drug use patterns of 224 boys, starting at age 10 to 12 and ending at age 22. Right from the beginning these kids confounded expectations. Some followed the traditional gateway paradigm, starting with tobacco or alcohol and moving on to marijuana, but some reversed the pattern, starting with marijuana first. And some never progressed from one substance to another at all.

When they looked at the detailed data on these kids, the researchers found that the gateway theory simply didn't hold; environmental factors such as neighborhood characteristics played a much larger role than which drug the boys happened to use first. "Abusable drugs," they wrote, "occupy neither a specific place in a hierarchy nor a discrete position in a temporal sequence."

Lead researcher Dr. Ralph E. Tarter told the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, "It runs counter to about six decades of current drug policy in the country, where we believe that if we can't stop kids from using marijuana, then they're going to go on and become addicts to hard drugs."

Researchers in Brisbane, Australia, and St. Louis reached much the same conclusion in a larger and more complex study published last month. The research involved more than 4,000 Australian twins whose use of marijuana and other drugs was followed in detail from adolescence into adulthood.

Then -- and here's the fascinating part -- they matched the real-world data from the twins to mathematical models based on 13 different explanations of how use of marijuana and other illicit drugs might be related. These models ranged from pure chance -- assuming that any overlap between use of marijuana and other drugs is random -- to models in which underlying genetic or environmental factors lead to both marijuana and other drug use or models in which marijuana use causes use of other drugs or vice versa.

When they crunched the numbers, only one conclusion made sense: "Cannabis and other illicit drug use and misuse co-occur in the population due to common risk factors (correlated vulnerabilities) or a liability that is in part shared." Translated to plain English: the data don't show that marijuana causes use of other drugs, but instead indicate that the same factors that make people likely to try marijuana also make them likely to try other substances.

In the final blow to claims that marijuana must remain illegal to keep us from becoming a nation of hard-drug addicts, the researchers added that any gateway effect that does exist is "more likely to be social than pharmacological," occurring because marijuana "introduces users to a provider (peer or black marketeer) who eventually becomes the source for other illicit drugs." In other words, the gateway isn't marijuana; it's laws that put marijuana into the same criminal underground with speed and heroin.

The lie that marijuana somehow turns people into junkies is dead. Officials who insist on repeating it as a way of squelching discussion about common-sense reforms should be laughed off the stage.

Bruce Mirken is communications director for the Marijuana Policy Project.

© 2006 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/45535/

Monday, December 18, 2006

Thousands More Dead In Continuing Iraq Victory

http://www.theonion.com/content/node/56628

Statistics released by the Department Of Defense estimated that 2,937 U.S. troops and over 100,000 Iraqi civilians have died in the ongoing American military victory in Iraq.

Thousands More R

General George Casey, Jr. lauds "another plainly measurable step" in America's victory.

"Victory deaths are at a higher level than we had anticipated, yes," Gen. George Casey, Jr. said at a press conference shortly after the figures were released. "But one of the crucial lessons of our Vietnam experience is that a victory, in order to remain victorious, can't be abandoned halfway through, or in the case of Iraq, one-eighth of the way through."

"And significantly more troops may be required if we are to continue to enjoy that victory, especially if this turns into an all-out civil war," Casey added, stressing that it was still too early to deem the victory a "quagmire."

Debate continues over whether U.S. troops should be withdrawn from the Iraqi theater of victory. While some in Congress argue that a withdrawal would force Iraqi leadership to enforce the victory on their own, many military experts say that Iraqi troops remain insufficiently trained and unprepared to handle the daily perils of victory.

President Bush has consistently warned that if we hand over victory to local forces right away, there's a risk that victory may worsen, as Iraqis won't be able to contend with the guerrilla attacks and improvised explosive devices that claim the lives of dozens of the victorious every day.

"We're paying dearly in the form of American lives," Bush said, "but, plainly speaking, that's just victory for you."

Casey's remarks came nearly two weeks after some 200 Iraqi Shi'ites died in a series of car bombs in Baghdad's Sadr City, the largest single victory-related death toll since the U.S. won the Iraq War in 2003.

In an address to the nation Dec. 10, President Bush predicted that, if efforts continue as they have in Iraq, "This could become America's longest victory ever," Bush said.

© Copyright 2006, Onion, Inc. All rights reserved.
The Onion is not intended for readers under 18 years of age.

SURVEY: INCOME INEQUALITY MAJOR CONCERN OF AMERICANS

MATTHEW BENJAMIN, BLOOMBERG - Almost three-quarters of Americans believe inequality is a major issue, versus 24 percent who don't think so, according to a new Bloomberg - Los Angeles Times poll. Most of the concern is among Democrats and independent voters, though a majority of Republicans -- 55 percent -- also called the situation serious. . .

Among those earning less than $40,000 a year, 84 percent called the gap a serious problem, with more than half saying it's "very serious." Among those earning more than $100,000, more than three in five said it's a serious concern. Those in the middle-income group making between $40,000 and $60,000 were almost as concerned as the least wealthy. . .

The portion of national income earned by the top 20 percent of households grew to 50.4 percent last year, up from 45.6 percent 20 years ago; the bottom 60 percent of U.S. households received 26.6 percent, down from 29.9 percent in 1985, according to the Census Bureau. Meanwhile, average pay for corporate chief executive officers rose to 369 times that of the average worker last year, according to finance professor Kevin Murphy of the University of Southern California; that compares with 131 times in 1993 and 36 times in 1976.

http://www.commondreams.org/headlines06/1213-03.htm

Sunday, December 17, 2006

JUST A FEW REASONS WHY SIMPLISTIC VIEWS OF THE MID EAST DON'T WORK

JUAN COLE - Helene Cooper with Hassan Fattah of the NYT has the scoop that Saudi King Abdullah told US VP Dick Cheney two weeks ago that if the US withdrew precipitately from Iraq, the kingdom would have little choice but to support the Sunni Arab guerrillas. The Saudi government had pledged to the US not to do so as long as US troops were in Iraq. But it is alleged that Saudi oil millionaires privately already send money to the guerrillas. Saudis, as Wahhabi Muslims, belong to a sect that is to the right of Sunnism. But the Wahhabi tradition dislikes Shiites and in any Sunni-Shiite struggle, the Wahhabis will come in on the Sunni side. . .

Cooper also reports the abrupt and mysterious resignation of Saudi Ambassador to the US Turki al-Faisal after only 22 months in Washington. Prince Turki has been an effective diplomat and has done a lot of outreach work, addressing ordinary American audiences (a style very unlike that of Prince Bandar bin Sultan, his long-serving predecessor). Prince Turki is the only Saudi official I know of publicly to espouse Gandhian principles of non-violence for the Palestinian cause. I met him more than once and was impressed by his humanity and acumen. I'm sorry to see him leave Washington. There are rumors that he is leaving to become foreign minister of the kingdom. If that were the case, I should have thought the promotion would be announced along with his resignation, which he called a "retirement." The way this is being handled looks more to me as though he lost some big policy fight with the establishment in Riyadh. But we shall see.

The Saudis are usually important to the formulation of US policy in the Middle East. [Washington] is now rudderless, with Rumsfeld gone and Cheney neutered by the November elections. Prince Turki's departure --- in addition to hysteria about a regional guerrilla war in Iraq on the part of the Saudi King --- are [elements] of instability in White House policy-making that we could have done without.

Meanwhile, a de facto Israeli-Saudi alliance appears to be building against Iran and the Shiites. Israeli Defense Minister Amir Peretz is now saying that the 2002 Beirut peace plan put forward by then crown prince--now King--Abdullah of Saudi Arabia must be the basis for going forward with an Arab-Israeli peace process. Abdullah got the Arab League to offer Israel full recognition and political and economic relations if only they'd go back to the 1967 borders and recognize a Palestinian state.

At the time, then prime minister Ariel Sharon dismissed Abdullah's plan rather rudely. But now Israel has been bloodied by a Lebanon war that it lost on points to Hizbullah despite its clear military superiority. [And] Bashar al-Asad of Syria [has] pointed out that every generation of Arabs hates the Israelis more than its predecessors. [Last but not least] Iran is emerging as a new hegemon in the eastern stretches of the Middle East.

Bush and Israeli Prime Minister Olmert hoped that the Lebanon War of last August would finish off Hizbullah. Instead, Hizbullah put up a respectable resistance to the Israeli military. Now, Hizbullah and its Christian allies loyal to Michel Aoun have staged enormous daily protests aimed at bringing down the reform government of Fuad Seniora, and they may even succeed. Hizbullah is allied with Syria, which is allied with Iran.

While Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Israel are unified states in this new alliance, their de facto allies in Lebanon and Iraq include the bloc of Saad al-Hariri in the Lebanese parliament and the Kurds and Sunni Arabs in Iraq.

Iran gets support from Syria and Shiite Iraq and from Hizbullah in Lebanon.

Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh went to Tehran recently and got pledges of $120 mn. in aid. Haniyeh while there pledged never to recognize Israel. Iran has Shiite clients in Iraq now, and is reaching into the Levant with its patronage for Hizbullah and Hamas.

Iran's farce of a "conference" on the Holocaust is a way of underlining its government's complete rejection of a two state solution and of a Zionist state in the Middle East. Iran's leaders support a maximalist Hamas vision of a fundamentalist Muslim Palestinian state in all of historical Palestine, which requires the dissolution of the Israeli state. Since Israelis tend to justify their state project with reference to the Holocaust, the Ahmadinejad faction in Iran is replying with Holocaust denial as a counter to this argument. Note that other prominent Iranians, such as former President Mohammad Khatami, accept the Holocaust and have lambasted Ahmadinejad for questioning it.

So Israel is up against determined enemies on its borders, which it has not been able to crush militarily, and which are political clients of Iran. Iran does not pose a conventional military threat to Israel, but Tehran is able to put pressure on it through support of asymmetrical operations, which it hopes can make the Israeli state collapse in the same way that the Soviet state collapsed. The Israeli leadership believes that Iran is trying to get a nuclear weapon, even though there is no good evidence for an Iranian nuclear weapon program (as opposed to a civilian nuclear research program). . .

Saudi Arabia is equally frantic about the possibility of a nuclear Iran, and is moreover apoplectic that the US delivered Baghdad into the hands of Iraqi Shiite fundamentalists allied with Iran. Saudi Arabia fears Hizbullah in Lebanon as an Iranian cat's paw in the Arab world. The Khomeinists of Iran and south Lebanon believe that Islam is incompatible with monarchy (Khomeini said, "there are no kings in Islam.")

Israel, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and (de facto) the 14 March Bloc in Lebanon are ranged against Iran, Shiite Iraq, Syria, Hizbullah and Hamas. Neither Israel nor Saudi Arabia can openly admit to the tacit alliance for fear of anger from their own publics because of objectionable parties to it. But this is how things are shaking out.

Now the Saudis are openly saying that this new Cold War in the region could turn hot. If you don't own a bicycle, I'd buy one, because a regional war of the sort Saudi Arabia said it feared would potentially cut off 20 percent of the world's petroleum.

http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2006/12/13/18337381.php

Saturday, December 16, 2006

More Families to Face 'Heat or Eat' Choice this Winter

by Michelle Chen

Dec. 15 – Over the next few months, families across the country will be deciding which comes first: staying warm or staying fed. Heating-fuel costs have soared in recent years, now rivaling food, health care and other essential expenses squeezing low-income households.

About three years ago, wintertime hit Darryl Haynes especially hard. His wife had recently died, cutting out about 40 percent of his social-security income, and he was soon buried under about $400 worth of heating bills.

"I just was slipping further and further behind," recalled Haynes, a 70-year-old resident of Holt, Michigan.

Haynes said he tightened up where he could, making partial payments on his utility bills, and "trying to spend a lot less money on food." Through a local social-service organization, he cobbled together enough canned food and other donated items to scrape by. An emergency heat subsidy carried him through the rest of the season.

Haynes explained that for seniors in his situation, scrimping on food is a rational way to survive the winter: "Bills come first. That's the way we were raised."

A recent survey administered by the national food-bank network America's Second Harvest asked more than 50,000 households using emergency food assistance if they'd "had to choose at least once" in the past year between food and utility or heating costs. Over 40 percent of surveyed households, and more than 50 percent of households with children, said they had faced that decision.

The so-called "heat or eat" dilemma that visits poor households each winter illustrates that for many Americans, meeting one crucial need means suppressing another.

"You have to keep a car on the road, you have to keep a roof over your head, you've got to keep it warm, you've got to keep the lights on, you've got to pay for medicine," said Deborah Flateman, CEO of Vermont Foodbank, which distributes free food through a statewide network of providers.

"What families usually do is they leave the food part to the end," Flateman continued. "They just somehow assume that they'll be all right if they can keep everything else going." But ultimately, she said, Vermont's rural terrain, combined with the bitter cold, "just adds a very heavy layer of responsibility that drains families' resources. And for this reason, we see more people – and especially more working people – coming to food shelters [and] soup kitchens."

The Department of Energy forecasts that households will typically pay roughly $940 in total for home heat from oil, natural gas, propane or electricity from October through March. That is a marginal decrease from last year, but well above the $700 annual average from the previous five years. For those families that heat their homes with oil or propane, average costs this winter will exceed $1,300.

Social-service organizations attribute the home-heating crunch to an overlap of fluctuating energy markets, intensifying economic hardships among the working poor, and a disintegrating safety net.

Chuck Calati, director of community programs with the Capital Area Salvation Army of southern Michigan, said that welfare "reform" has created a piecemeal public-assistance system. The overhaul of the 1990s locked benefits into a maze of bureaucracies and work requirements, he said, forcing people to "shop around to get the help they need," be it food or warmth.

Calati pointed to his own organization as part of a system constantly in "crisis mode, rather than avoiding crisis." The Capital Area Salvation Army can assist only households that have received a notice from the utility company that their heat is about to be shut off. According to Calati, the organization provided funds to more than 800 households last year, but turned away about 500 others due to eligibility issues or an outright lack of assistance funds.

The double blow of unaffordable energy and food insecurity pushes families into a patchwork of public and private supplements – including food stamps, food pantries, and home-heating funds – each typically covering a fraction of the need.

Deb Biehler, a coordinator with Capital Area Community Services, the organization that helped Haynes with heat and food, said that since energy assistance covers only part of clients' costs, virtually all those needing help with utilities also need emergency food, in order "to divert more of their dollars towards their utility bill."

The federal Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP) distributes funds through state agencies to cover heating and cooling costs for poor households. According to 2002 data, of the households estimated to fall within the program's income guidelines, about one in seven obtained utility assistance, with an average heating award of about $250.

The $2.1 billion Congress proposed for LIHEAP for fiscal year 2007 is essentially a $1 billion decrease from 2006, and some $3 billion short of what state energy-assistance directors said was needed to cover growing need. The National Energy Assistance Directors' Association (NEADA) predicted that over 5.7 million households would receive heating assistance in 2006, a 12 percent jump from the year before.

Meanwhile, food stamps provide an estimated 11.8 million low-income families with just over $200 per month on average – a partial subsidy by design. According to federal data, even at a modest consumption level, a two-child, two-parent family typically spends more than $550 on food.

Yet as families struggle to stay ahead of the cold, consumer and community advocates point out that profits for the dominant oil and gas companies have soared in recent years, and that recent rollbacks in electric utility regulation foreshadow even more uncertainty in energy prices.

Mark Wolfe, executive director of NEADA, said that skewed policy priorities in Washington are relegating communities to unsustainable energy costs. While lawmakers more readily acknowledge hunger as a social problem, he said, despite the tight political focus on global oil markets, they "haven't decided that energy assistance is a core need."

Yet he noted that volatile heat prices are one of many threats eating away at the poor. "You have a large number of families in the United States who just barely have enough money to live," he said, "and so anything for them is a catastrophe."

GOVERNMENT SCIENTIST SENTENCED IN PHARMA PHRAUD

BALTIMORE SUN - A senior government scientist originally from Baltimore pleaded guilty yesterday to accepting hundreds of thousands of dollars in undisclosed fees from the same drug manufacturer whose public-private research collaboration he oversaw. As part of his agreement with federal prosecutors, Pearson "Trey" Sunderland III, chief of the geriatric psychiatry branch of the National Institute of Mental Health, which is part of the National Institutes of Health, is expected to receive a sentence of two years' supervised probation and must forfeit $300,000 in illegal proceeds and reimbursements.

His ethical misdeeds came to light after a series of newspaper stories led to a congressional investigation into the federal government's premier collection of research centers based in Bethesda.

With proper disclosure and approval, NIH scientists are allowed to receive outside income. But the discovery of dozens of private financial arrangements between drug companies and publicly employed scientists has embarrassed the agency in recent years and led to yesterday's plea. "This case is not a technical mistake," Maryland U.S. Attorney Rod J. Rosenstein said at a news conference after Sunderland's plea. "This case is not an honest mistake."

Article Here

Anthrax Attack on U.S. Congress Made by Ft. Detrick, Md., Scientist and Covered Up by FBI, Expert Says

Created Dec 14 2006 - 9:53am
http://www.smirkingchimp.com/thread/3940

The perpetrator of the 2001 anthrax attack on Congress likely was a government scientist employed at the Army's Ft. Detrick, Md., bioterrorism lab having access to a "moonsuit" that made it possible to safely process and manufacture super-weapons-grade anthrax, a bioterrorism authority says.

Although only a "handful" of scientists had the ability to perpetrate the crime, the culprit, or culprits, among them may never be identified as the FBI ordered the destruction of the anthrax culture collection at Ames, Ia., from which the Ft. Detrick lab got its pathogens, the authority said.

This action made it impossible "to pin-point precisely where, when, and from whom these bio-agents had originated," said Dr. Francis A. Boyle of the University of Illinois at Champaign.

Boyle, who drafted the U.S. Biological Weapons Convention of 1989 that was enacted by Congress, says destruction of the Ames anthrax "appears to be a cover-up orchestrated by the FBI."

Calls for comment to two FBI press offices in Washington, D.C., on this charge were not returned. Members of the Senate have been pressing the FBI for additional information on its investigation, thought to be ongoing.

If impartial scientists could have performed genetic reconstruction of the anthrax found in letters mailed to Senators Daschle(D-S.D.) and Patrick Leahy, (D -Vt.), "the trail of genetic evidence would have led directly back to a secret but officially-sponsored U.S. government biowarfare program that was illegal and criminal" in violation of biological weapons conventions and U.S. laws, Boyle said.

"I believe the FBI knows exactly who was behind these terrorist anthrax attacks upon the United States Congress in the Fall of 2001, and that the culprits were U.S. government-related scientists involved in a criminal U.S. government biowarfare program," Boyle said.

The anthrax attacks killed five people, including two postal workers, injured 17 others, and temporarily shut down the operations of the U.S. Congress, Supreme Court, and other Federal entities.

Boyle, a leading American authority on international law, said after the attacks he contacted senior FBI official Marion "Spike" Bowman, who handles counter-terrorism issues, and provided him with the names of the scientists working with anthrax. Boyle told Bowman the Ft. Detrick scientists were not to be trusted.

In addition to then destroying the anthrax, the FBI "retained every independent life-scientist it could locate as part of its fictitious investigation, and then swore them all to secrecy so that they cannot publicly comment on the investigation or give their expert opinion," Boyle said.

Boyle pointed out that Bowman is the same FBI agent "who played a pivotal role in suppressing evidence which in turn prevented the issuance of a search warrant for the computer of Zacarias Moussaoui, the alleged 20th al-Qaeda hijacker on 11 September 2001, which might otherwise have led to foreknowledge and therefore prevention of those terrorist attacks in the first place."

A self-confessed al-Qaeda operative, Moussaoui was detained on immigration three weeks before 9/11 when a Minnesota flight school reported he was acting suspiciously.

Boyle asked if Bowman received an FBI award in Dec., 2002, for "exceptional performance" because of his capacity "to forestall investigations, because of where they may lead?" He goes on to inquire, "Could the real culprits behind the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001, and the immediately following terrorist anthrax attacks upon Congress ultimately prove to be the same people?"

Because of its "bogus investigation," Boyle says, "the greatest political crime in the history of the United States of America since its founding on 4 July, 1776---the anthrax attacks on Congress, which served not only to deliver a terrorist threat on its members, but actually to close it down for a period---may remain officially unresolved forever."

"Could it truly be coincidental, " he continued, "that two of the primary intended victims of the terrorist anthrax attacks --- Senators Daschle and Leahy---were holding up the speedy passage of the pre-planned USA Patriot Act∑an Act which provided the federal government with unprecedented powers in relation to U.S. citizens and institutions?"

Leahy is incoming Chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee and may have a personal interest in holding hearings to learn who tried to kill him. An anthrax-laced letter to Leahy turned up in a search of Capitol Hill mail in the week of October 15, 2003. The letters sent to Leahy and Daschle were both postmarked from a Trenton, N.J.-area post office.

During its probe of the anthrax attack, the Justice Department identified Dr. Steven J. Hatfill, a biological defense scientist and one-time government employee, as "a person of interest." Dr. Hatfill, a medical doctor, took a post in 1997 at Ft. Detrick but left to work the next year for a private firm that helps the government create defenses against germ weapons. Dr. Hatfill repeatedly denied any role in the anthrax attacks and said he knows nothing about anthrax production, The New York Times reported.

Boyle's views are contained in his book "Biowarfare and Terrorism", published by Clarity Press, Inc., of Atlanta, Ga. His previously published titles include, "Foundations of World Order," "The Criminality of Nuclear Deterrence," and "Destroying World Order." Dr. Boyle holds a Doctor of Law Magna Cum Laude and a Ph.D. in political science, both from Harvard.

In a forward to the book, Dr. Jonathan King, Professor of Molecular Biology at M.I.T. and a founder of the Council for Responsible Genetics, said the government's "growing bioterror programs (described by Professor Boyle) represent a significant emerging danger to our own population."

A harsh critic of Pentagon biowarfare activities, Boyle points out in inflation-adjusted dollars the U.S. spends more on them today than it did on the Manhattan Project to develop the atomic bomb in World War II. He has accused the Bush administration of diverting the bio-tech industry "towards biowarfare purposes" and of making corrupting payoffs to Academia to turn university scientists to the pursuit of biowarfare work.
_______

About author Sherwood Ross is an American reporter who has worked for major American newspapers and magazines as well as international wire services. To comment on this article or arrange for speaking engagements: sherwoodr1@yahoo.com

Hello Hugo

ZNet Commentary
December 14, 2006
By Michael Albert
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2006-12/14albert.cfm

Michael Albert, author of Parecon, Life After Capitalism, takes on the nagging questions every curious progressive has about Hugo Chavez. The man's public views seem to be full of contradictions and even some irritating hypocrisy. I have forgiven much of these transgressions to his being a vocal defender of social economics in the middle of the firestorm of corporate capitalist economic globalization, but there are still many questions that beg for solid answers.Here, Michael asks a few.--Pete

Have you ever felt like there are things you want to know about what someone thinks that would matter for the lives of many people and yet you have no way to get the answers? You can't call the person on the phone and ask their views. The person doesn't have a public phone number. You can't appeal to friendship. The person doesn't know you. You can't use email. The person has no public email address. In the case of some folks, of course, all that insulation from the public is reasonable. Take Hugo Chavez, for example. For him to have a public phone number or email address would be ridiculously dysfunctional. But what if you have questions and you not only can't get direct answers, but you also can't get your questions answered by way of intermediaries because those routes are mazes that lead nowhere. Most often, then, pragmatism should trump futile persistence. Move on.

But what if the person whose views you want to hear is not only incredibly open in his or her demeanor, and incredibly thoughtful by reputation, but also part of a process committed to seeking advocacy from all directions? And what if you think - whether you are deluded in this or not - that your questions are right up the person's alley, in this case Chavez or other folks participating in the Bolvarian Revolution, and are key to your and others advocacy? If so, how about floating your questions out into cyber space, hoping for the best. At the very least, that's gotta be better than tossing a bottle with a note in it in the ocean, even in a swift current.

Hugo Chavez says he wants to build twenty first century socialism. He decries market relations. He excoriates capitalism. His innovative approaches to popular political and economic decision making and his prioritization of radicalized health, education, and other human services also inspire great hope. But beyond claims and short term policies, where is the Bolivarian Revolution going? What are its main institutional goals and timetable? These are questions I'd like answers to from whomever might have them.

By self description Hugo Chavez is aggressively anti-capitalist. But what does that mean? Regarding economics, does the Bolivarian revolution reject private ownership of the means of production? Does it reject markets? Does it reject capitalistic remuneration including people getting profit on property, or getting wages for bargaining power or even output? Similarly, does the Bolivarian Revolution reject capitalism's typical division of labor in which about 20 percent of the workforce monopolizes all the empowering tasks while the other 80 percent does only rote, repetitive, and obedient labor?

Given that Chavez is against particular capitalist institutions, does he have a feeling for what would replace them in a better economy? Put differently, if the Bolivarian Revolution is for twenty first century socialism, I wonder what that means? What is it about twentieth century socialism, for example, that Chavez rejects? Is it central planning such as we saw in the Soviet Union? Is it markets such as we saw in Yugoslavia? Is it the typical 20th century socialist division of labor as we have seen it in Russia, Yugoslavia, and China, and which is essentially the same as the division of labor we see in capitalism? Is it the norms of remuneration these socialisms have employed, which while they have jettisoned profit for property have retained payment for power and output?

Similarly, in whatever ways Chavez disagrees with "twentieth century socialism," what does he propose to construct in Venezuela instead? What does the Bolivarian revolution seek for the economy? Does it believe workers and consumers should have a say in economic decisions in proportion as they are affected by them - which would be self management? Does it believe workers and consumers councils, not boards of directors or managers, should be the seat of economic decision making power in each workplace? Does it believe there should be decentralized and participatory planning by these workers and consumers councils, including a cooperative negotiation of allocation rather than top down command allocation or competitive market allocation? Does it believe workers should be remunerated for how long and how hard they work, and for enduring onerous conditions, but not for property, power, or even the value of output? If these features aren't part of the Bolivarian agenda, then what is preferred for Venezuela's future, and why?

Chavez has been very vocal not only about democracy in the polity, but about people literally being able to have a say over their own social and political lives. Does the Bolivarian revolution reject, in addition to capitalist economics, also the typical top down alienated approaches to government we see in the world today? Is the Bolivarian Revoluation seeking something fundamentally different for politics with its grass roots assemblies, and if so, what are the values and features it prefers? Likewise, is there any exploration, as yet, of new approaches to law enforcement and adjudication? And does the Boilivarian revolution have a revolutionary agenda around gender issues and around race issues? Is it ultimately seeking only vastly better gender and race policies, or are there fundamental changes it seeks in underlying institutions in these realms as well? Does the Bolivarian revolution have ideas about what such changes might be, and if not, does it have a method for arriving at some?

I would also like to know about Bolivarian media. Venezuelan mainstream media are narrowly owned and controled and in no way reflect the needs of desires of the Venezuelan population. Indeed, to whatever extent they are able, they are hell bent on hindering positive change. I wonder about Chavez's view of how media ought to be organized in a better future? And I wonder what his plans are for media in Venezuela. It has seemed, from far away, that the Bolivarian approach to education, health, the media, and other areas too, has been to construct a parallel set of structures to what now exists - for example, the Bolivarian University, health clinics, and TV station - with the idea that these new approaches will in time replace the old ones. Is that the plan? And is there concern that the arena in which this competition between old and new occurs is the arena of the market, which of course does not favor solidarity, sociality, etc.?

As we all know, the United States routinely uses its wealth to bludgeon international relations in ways overwhelmingly aimed at preserving and enlarging the power and wealth of U.S. elites, whatever suffering this imposes on others. Venezuela also seems to be utilizing its assets in the international arena via initiating diverse trading patterns, grants, etc. I wonder what guides these acts? When Venezuela exchanges oil and other products with other countries, Is Chavez intent upon exchanging at market rates, or does he have a different attitude about what ought to determine exchange rates, and if so, as seems to be the case, what is it? Has Chavez thought about explicitly using Venezuelan assets to aid organizing projects and activist movements around the world who are seeking desirable changes toward justice, equity, etc.? Could Chavez imagine Venezuela-owned Citgo becoming a trojan horse for workers control and socially oriented production inside the U.S.? Could Chavez imagine directly donating funds to movements, or perhaps doing so by way of payments for book rights or other arrangements with Venezuela?

And finally, by way of understanding the timing of the Bolivarian Revolution, I wonder what Chavez and other Venezuelan activists expect to be the most important and exemplary accomplishments in Venezuela in the next five or ten years? And I wonder the extent to which Chavez's views and the views of other Bolivarian government officials, labor leaders, and grass roots activists compare with the views of the broad population? Is the broad public in synch with the agendas or by-standing. Is it ready to take initiative in advances, or is it being pulled along without taking its own initiatives?

THE 2006 ELECTION: ANOTHER NAIL IN OUR DEMOCRACY'S COFFIN?

By Danny Schechter

New York, New York, November 28: After every election, there are post-mortems and then, after that, come the studies to confirm the presence of many institutional and deep seated flaws in our ritualized electoral-democracy.

Annually, journalists acknowledge their own limits and mistakes. The honest ones admit there was a uniformity of outlook in which the horse race is over-covered and the issues under covered.

They concede that there was a focus on polls without explaining their limits adequately or how polls in turn are affected by the volume and slant of media coverage. There are criticisms of how negative ads and entertainment values infiltrated election coverage, what Time magazine calls "electotainment." They bemoan the fact that there was more spin and opinionizing than reporting along with less investigative reporting.

And then they do it all over again.

It happened again this year, as if the media industry and the press corps never learns from its own mistakes and is doomed to repeat them. Why? Phil Troustine former political editor of the San Jose Mercury News, told Nieman Reports, "too many reporters are cynics, not just skeptics. This leads to the sense that they are hard bitten realists when they are simplistic and often biased." They also work for corporate media outlets who design the coverage and assign the journalists. Mostly, they are not free or independent agents.

A 2006 survey by the Committee of Concerned Journalists of their own members revealed that many journalists think the news media is failing voters by not adequately covering this past year's campaigns.

"Only 3% give the press an A grade, while another 27% give the news media a B. At the same time, 42% give the coverage a C and 27% say D or F.

The poll surveyed 499 CCJ members between October 8 and October 15th. The Committee is a national consortium of journalists and journalism educators in various media."

The Mediaocracy blog, inspired by a book I wrote of the same name asks. "What are the particular concerns these journalists have? By large majorities they feel the news media has become sidetracked by trivial issues, has been too reactive and has focused too much on the inside baseball that doesn't really matter to voters, according to the survey.

In other words, most of the campaign reporting does not deliver what journalists think the public wants or needs. This is in line with other general surveys of reporters regarding the current state of their profession. A Pew Research Center report in 2000 showed that less than 40% of journalists surveyed said the media was fulfilling its public responsibilities."

THE LATEST STUDY

The Project on Excellence in Journalism has just assessed this past year's election after extensive on day research "On Nov. 7, a team of researchers from the Project for Excellence in Journalism monitored the coverage of 32 news outlets-18 web sites, six blogs, four broadcast networks, three cable channels, and NPR as the results rolled in and Congress changed hands. This report, "Election Night 2006": An Evening in the Life of the American Media," breaks down that performance by media platform and contains an evaluation of each individual outlet.

What did they find?

"l. The two most valuable things the news media offers on these fast-moving election nights now is a quick summary of key results for those wanting the headlines and deep veins of data that users can mine on their own. That may explain why TV Web sites fared well.

2. In contrast, rich narrative story telling and snap punditry, the long suit of the morning newspaper and the TV telecast, may be less valuable-at least as the numbers are rolling in on the first night.

3.Most news organizations are still finding their way in this new multi-media environment. Often they are trying to do too many things and lack the resources and flexibility to adjust to the speed of the news. They need to make clearer choices.

4. The Exit Poll may be more important today, not less, since users are probing that information directly, functioning as their own editors--going state by state, looking for demographic information, late deciders, and more. This is not just the purview of experts and academicians anymore."

5. When the system works-voting occurs without widespread problems and the media establishment isn't faltering-citizen sentinels, bloggers, and other observers, while potentially important watchdogs, have a more restricted role."

Sorry to disagree. The system is NOT working well. On November 26, three weeks AFTER the election, the NY Times discovered that voting machines in Florida swallowed 18,000 votes and worry that without a verified paper trail, results will be compromised. Their editorial was titled "Déjà vu" in Florida." The Times seemed shocked in concluding that electronic voting "could end up undermining democracy…"

"COULD?"

Now I am the one who is shocked. How is it that so many of our mainstream media outlets IGNORED this problem, and did not demand that it be fixed BEFORE the election. For years now, an election integrity movement has been crusading on this issue but they have been brushed aside, and are rarely in the news. There is no shortage of information on the subject.

BURYING THE LEAD

Years ago, Jim Naureckas of FAIR wrote: "In journalism, it's called 'burying the lead.' A story starts off with what everyone already knows, while the real news - the most surprising, significant or never-been-told-before information - gets pushed down where people are less likely to see it...."

Why? What accounts for media organizations looking away and covering elections the same way each year as if they are following routines?

Responds Naurekas: "many journalists are instinctively protective of the legitimacy of the institutions they cover." He then adds, "but the job of a journalist is not to promote but to question. The theory behind the First Amendment is that the system will be strengthened by an unflinching look at the system's flaws."

Too many journalists fail to separate the election outcomes from the self-interested financial interests that influence them or the way incumbents manipulate the system to their advantage. Elections are often determined by what's called the "Air War"-TV commercials, many negative attacks ads that do more misrepresenting than presenting, more selling than telling. The cost of these political ads on television, the third highest source of ad revenues for the industry, has more than quadrupled since 1982.

Today, commercial media has gone AWOL on this most obvious responsibility. "Pre-election news coverage of the candidates has in many cases all but disappeared," says Paul Taylor, chairman of the Alliance for Better Campaigns -- a MediaChannel Affiliate that advocates free airtime for candidates. "What little candidate coverage that remains is devoted to incumbents, by a margin of nearly five to one, over challengers."

In a study of media coverage, MediaChannel affiliate Norman Lear Center revealed that the amount of election-centered discourse provided by the typical local station during the height of the 2000 presidential primary season was just 39 seconds a night - far short of the five-minute standard advocated by a 1998 presidential advisory commission headed by then Vice President Al Gore.

Another MediaChannel affiliate, the Center for Media and Public Affairs, found that the total minutes of coverage of the 2002 midterm election on the national network news programs had declined by 78 percent over the coverage those networks devoted to the 1998 midterm election.

POLITICAL DEVOLUTION

All of this got worse in 2006. The media is failing us along with the political system it allegedly covers. There is a devolution underway, not reform and change.

Years ago in a book called "Hail to the Thief" on the outcome of the 2000 election, I wrote:

"The media is no longer, if it ever did stand apart from politics as a neutral--much less objective--watchdog operating outside the political system to strengthen democracy. In an age of corporate mergers and unprecedented media concentration, the media have in effect, merged with politics and now function as a key component of a system that Norman Mailer sees, with a whiff of the Mafia theory of Organization, as a "family."

"The American political body has evolved," he wrote in an essay in his l998 anthology The Time of Our Time" into a highly controlled and powerfully manipulated democracy overseen by a new species of aristocracy formed at the junction of four Royal Families--the ten thousand dollar suits of the mega-corporations, the titans of the media, the high ogres of Congress and the upper lords of the White House."

In 2006, years after all the hand-wringing over the fiasco in Florida, and the debacle in Ohio, I see no reason to revise this judgment.

News Dissector and filmmaker Danny Schechter is the "blogger-in-chief for Mediachannel.org. His latest film is InDebtWeTrust.(InDebtWeTrust.com) Comments to dissector@mediachannel.org

Raleigh, N.C., city workers’ victories help build union


When we stand up and fight for our rights, when we build solidarity and resolve and take it to sympathetic, alternative media (corporate media is a lost cause, being owned by the same companies who are firing workers for "disrupting commerce"), the capitalist, bizarro-world economic model can be righted to better reflect the true balance of power in the workplace. Still a long way to go to even catch up with 30's-era unionization, though. Don't mourn, organize! --Pete

Published Dec 14, 2006 7:25 PM

Under pressure, Raleigh City Council members voted six to two on Dec. 5 to authorize payroll deduction for the Raleigh City Workers Union-UE Local 150. This vote reflects the power being gained by city workers, first exercised in their mid-September strike.

City workers’ summit, Raleigh, N.C.

City workers’ summit, Raleigh, N.C.
Photo: Andrew Dinkelaker

Pushed even further by the workers’ power, the council also voted five to three to waive the $1,000 administrative fee to process the union membership forms.

The Raleigh City Workers Union now has both payroll deduction and meet-and-confer status. It has also won a number of other significant gains through unity and struggle. These include all overtime being paid at time and a half—previously workers were only getting compensatory time and often getting nothing; 15 percent to 20 percent pay increases for entry-level positions citywide; reduced forced overtime; temporary workers made permanent citywide; sick leave policy improvements; some of the worst management forced out and unfair suspensions reversed.

In addition to sanitation department workers, other city workers in Raleigh—from the parks and recreation department, public works and public utilities—are beginning to join the union and attend Raleigh City Workers Union meetings.

Beyond Raleigh, the momentum from these tremendous gains is being felt across the entire state of North Carolina.

More than 60 workers from nine cities across North Carolina attended the Dec. 9 Statewide City Workers Summit. UE Local 150 has established City Worker chapters in Durham, Charlotte, Chapel Hill and Rocky Mount. Recently UE began reaching out to city workers in Wilson, Greenville, Goldsboro and Greensboro, whose leadership attended the summit. At the summit workers spoke out and received important training to build the union.

Durham city workers also staged a several hour work stoppage the morning of Nov. 27 to bring attention to their issues.

The struggle in the South—and North Carolina in particular—is intensifying as workers across the state continue to walk out of their jobs in organized resistance.

From the Fayetteville Goodyear workers striking with the Steel Workers union, from the Smithfield Hog Plant with mostly immigrant workers striking, to all job actions carried out by city workers, the atmosphere is changing.

As Saladin Muhammad, organizer with UE Local 150 and chair of Black Workers for Justice, explains in “Raleigh City Workers Exercise Power and Build Their Union,” his recently released pamphlet: “The anti-union Taft Hartley Act enacted in 1947 during the period of legal segregation established a section (14 b.), allowing states to establish additional laws to complement their racist state laws. The racist oppression of African Americans in the South and the division of Black and white workers was and continues to be the basis for dividing the Southern and larger U.S. working class and maintaining the South as a region of cheap labor.”

Workers are organizing against the brutal anti-worker, anti-woman, racist laws, and a movement has been developing to repeal N.C. General Statute 95-98, which prohibits public-sector collective bargaining.

It is a challenge to the left as a whole to support the demands of Raleigh and other city workers as they struggle for justice.


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Wednesday, December 13, 2006

Inquiry Sought Over Evangelical Video

Defense Department Asked to Examine Officers' Acts Supporting Christian Group

By Alan Cooperman
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, December 11, 2006

WaPo Article

A military watchdog group is asking the Defense Department to investigate whether seven Army and Air Force officers violated regulations by appearing in uniform in a promotional video for an evangelical Christian organization.

In the video, much of which was filmed inside the Pentagon, four generals and three colonels praise the Christian Embassy, a group that evangelizes among military leaders, politicians and diplomats in Washington. Some of the officers describe their efforts to spread their faith within the military.

"I found a wonderful opportunity as a director on the joint staff, as I meet the people that come into my directorate," Air Force Maj. Gen. Jack J. Catton Jr. says in the video. "And I tell them right up front who Jack Catton is, and I start with the fact that I'm an old-fashioned American, and my first priority is my faith in God, then my family and then country. I share my faith because it describes who I am."

Pete Geren, a former acting secretary of the Air Force who oversaw the service's response in 2005 to accusations that evangelical Christians were pressuring cadets at the Air Force Academy, also appears in the video. The Christian Embassy "has been a rock that I can rely on, been an organization that helped me in my walk with Christ, and I'm just thankful for the service they give," he says.

The 10-minute video is on the group's Web site, Christianembassy.com. The organization was founded nearly 30 years ago by the late Bill Bright, who also founded Campus Crusade for Christ. The Christian Embassy Web site says the group holds prayer breakfasts each Wednesday in the Pentagon's executive dining room and organizes small groups to help military leaders "bridge the gap between faith and work."

Army Brig. Gen. Bob Casen refers in the video to the Christian Embassy's special efforts to reach admirals and generals through Flag Fellowship groups. Whenever he sees another fellowship member, he says, "I immediately feel like I am being held accountable, because we are the aroma of Jesus Christ."

The Military Religious Freedom Foundation, a watchdog group led by retired Air Force lawyer Michael L. "Mikey" Weinstein, is requesting an investigation in a letter to the Defense Department's inspector general.

Weinstein, a White House lawyer in the Reagan administration, cites Defense Department regulations barring personnel from appearing in uniform in "speeches, interviews, picket lines, marches, rallies or any public demonstration . . . which may imply Service sanction of the cause for which the demonstration or activity is conducted."

All the officers are identified in the video by their Defense Department positions, "yet the video failed to include any disclaimers indicating that the views expressed were not those of the Department of Defense," the letter says.

It asks whether the officers received permission to promote the Christian Embassy and whether any other religious or secular organizations have been allowed to use Pentagon facilities and uniformed personnel in promotional videos.

Catton said yesterday that he does not remember whether he sought approval to appear in the video, which he said was made in 2005. "If someone asked me today to do it, I for sure would ask permission," said the general, who sparked controversy this year by raising money from fellow officers for a congressional candidate.

Christian Embassy officials in Washington did not return phone messages left at their homes and offices over the weekend.

Air Force Lt. Col. Todd Vician, a Pentagon spokesman, said yesterday that "it is impossible for me or the department to comment on a letter we haven't received yet." Once the letter is in hand, he added, "I'm confident that the inspector general will take the appropriate action."

In 2003, Army Lt. Gen. William G. "Jerry" Boykin drew criticism for appearing in uniform before church groups and saying, in remarks captured on video, that President Bush was "appointed by God," that the United States is "a Christian nation" and that Muslims worship "an idol." The inspector general's office determined that Boykin had not violated any rules, and he remained in a top intelligence post.

This year, Navy chaplain Gordon J. Klingenschmitt was court-martialed for appearing in uniform at a political protest in front of the White House, though he maintained that all he did was lead a prayer.

Weinstein noted that his son and daughter-in-law, who are serving as first lieutenants in the Air Force, received written permission in July to appear in a documentary based on the book "Constantine's Sword," a history of Christian anti-Semitism.

"They may appear on camera for this documentary, but as they will be speaking for themselves, as private citizens, not for the Air Force, they cannot appear in uniform," says the order, a copy of which Weinstein provided to The Washington Post.

Make It Happen: Health Care For All

Jacob S. Hacker
http://www.tompaine.com/articles/2006/12/13/make_it_happen_health_care_for_all.php

December 13, 2006

Jacob S. Hacker is a political science professor at Yale University and fellow at the New America Foundation. His latest book, The Great Risk Shift, analyzes the destruction of America’s economic safety net and offers ways to restore opportunity and security to working-class people. He spoke about his book Tuesday at a discussion sponsored by the Campaign for America’s Future.

In recent years, a “perfect storm” of rapidly rising medical costs, declining median wages, and mounting business desperation about health benefits have produced a dramatic deterioration in the scope and generosity of American health insurance. Meanwhile, runaway health costs have become an increasingly grave threat—not just to family finances, but to corporate America’s bottom line. A decade ago, insistent voices proclaimed that the system was healing itself, that managed care and business vigilance would finally rein in costs, reversing the long-term slide in coverage. No one can believe that today. A system that was barely treading water is now sinking fast.

Americans want this to change. The 2006 midterm was more than a repudiation of the current course in Iraq. It was also an affirmation of the need for government to address the pressing economic concerns of the middle class: above all, the pervasive sense of insecurity that working Americans feel despite the overall growth of the economy. Among nearly every demographic and political group—whites, blacks, women, men, older voters, younger voters, working-class earners, middle-class earners, Democratic and swing voters, and even some reliable Republican voters—there is overwhelming support for providing affordable health care to all Americans. Although Americans like much about U.S. health insurance, dissatisfaction with how present arrangements affect family finances and security is broad, deep, and growing.

These trends are pushing comprehensive reform of U.S. health finance back onto the agenda of American politics, after more than a decade of reluctance to tackle the issue. And yet, nothing guarantees that this looming debate will end differently from past debates. Again and again in the 20th century—most recently, in the early 1990s—efforts to make health insurance an integral piece of the American social fabric have been stymied. The stakes are too high to allow them to be stymied again.

Now is the time, therefore, for advocates of reform to map out their strategies and develop their ideas for providing affordable, quality health care to all Americans. The central goal should be simple, ambitious, and direct—health security for all. The means should be straightforward, too. Rather than coming up with complex “compromise” schemes that try to please everyone (à la the Clinton health plan of 1993) or seeking to turn the entire framework of American health financing upside down overnight, reformers need to think about how they can build on the positive example set by America’s largest, most popular, and most successful health insurance program, Medicare, to provide health security to all Americans without secure workplace coverage.

It would, of course, be more difficult to make the case for change if our antiquated financing structure delivered huge competitive benefits to American business. But who can believe that today? Corporations may have multiple and conflicting views about what should be done, but none is satisfied with the status quo. Most believe that the present system hurts the international competitiveness of multinational companies and creates an unfair competitive playing field at home. Far from hurting business, a proposal for true health security would immensely benefit corporate America, and especially those elements of corporate American most committed to the welfare of their employees. A new social contract laying out the roles of employers, government, and workers is clearly and desperately needed.

This contract must ensure that all workers have access to health insurance, even if their employers decide not to offer it. But it need not eliminate the employer role in health financing altogether. The biggest problem with American health financing is not that employers sponsor coverage. It is that employers decide whether workers get coverage at all. So why not give employers the option of providing low-cost coverage to their workers through a new public program modeled after Medicare? If employers want to provide comparable private coverage, they can. But if they do not provide basic insurance, their workers should be automatically enrolled in the new Medicare-like program, with employers required to make a modest contribution toward its cost. (The self-employed would have the option of purchasing coverage through the program as well—on the same terms as other employers.)

A few years ago, I developed a proposal along these broad lines, and it has been extensively analyzed by the Lewin Group, the leading private firm that does cost and coverage estimates for groups developing reform plans. (Currently, I am developing a revised version of the proposal for the Economic Policy Institute in Washington.) The estimates show that if employers were allowed to purchase public coverage for their workers by paying a modest wage-related premium, roughly half of Americans younger than 65 would be in the new Medicare-like plan and the other half would remain in private insurance. All Americans with direct or family ties to the work force would be guaranteed affordable coverage, at a cost (in 2002 dollars) of around $110 per person in increased health spending.

Expanding public insurance in this way would not eliminate private employment-based insurance. It would simply give employers a new option (while requiring that they make at least a minimal commitment to financing coverage for their workers). In higher-wage firms and unionized industries, companies would still see it as in their interest to provide broad coverage—although some might decide it was better to supplement the new Healthy America program than provide coverage directly. Yet the new framework would ensure that everyone who works has secure health insurance with at least a standard package of benefits, that many more workers have a choice of health plan (including a plan with free choice of doctors and specialists), and that firms that now struggle to provide health benefits, or cannot provide them at all, have an attractive, low-cost option for doing so. Because the public insurance pool would cover nearly half of nonelderly Americans, moreover, it would have strong leverage to bargain for low prices on behalf of covered Americans and their employers.

Labor unions are increasingly attracted to a public-private partnership of this sort. Business groups are another matter, but the idea that they might warm to it is not so far-fetched. After all, this proposal lets employers continue to provide coverage if they want to, preserves a substantial role for private insurance, and saves many companies serious money. At the same time, it ensures that all workers have good, affordable coverage in the public or private sector. That’s the kind of bargain that could give compromise a good name.

Snapshots from School

By Cynthia Peters
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2006-12/12peters.cfm

"Don't go to the Parent-Teacher Council meeting," advised my daughter, who is a 9th-grader at a large urban high school. "They'll only try to scare you."

I shouldn't have been too surprised at how accurately she summed up at least one salient aspect of the culture at her school. After two days at the orientation for new students, she commented on the school's basic M.O., "I've figured out that they use fear a lot."

We wondered what she meant. Wasn't the school using the orientation as an opportunity to help the kids get to know each other, get acquainted with the school, and gain a measure of comfort before entering the big, scary secondary grades? No, apparently not. What were they doing?

"Well, they explained how we would get an F. And that if we got an F, we would get expelled. But if we got an F+, we could go to summer school to make it up."

The next day, they handed out candies to kids (keep in mind that these are 9th graders) who finished their math worksheets. And so the flip side of punishment made itself apparent, that is, reward.

I suppose it should not be too surprising that a traditional, inner-city school operating on low resources would have too much in its motivator tool box beyond the usual carrot and stick. The accepted mentality about learning, working, or doing just about anything besides watching TV is that it's a bitter pill that must be swallowed. The idea that kids (and adults) might find joy in learning or feel inherent gratification in their work seems to have been beaten out of us by a society that holds out consumption as the main source of satisfaction. A popular radio station in Boston plays music "to help your work day fly by." And that about sums it up. The workday and the school day are something that have to be tolerated, gotten through, survived.

My family has taken an unusual approach to schooling in the past (both of our kids have homeschooled for most of their lives), and so we are naive in this new environment. This commentary is personal and anecdotal -- a reflection on schooling from a family that is new at it.

At back-to-school night, held soon after classes started, we learned something about the way fear and stress operate in schools. Not only were mundane stress-causing devices in place (the mis-firing bell ringing at arbitrary times, which teachers simply talk over; the public broadcasting system mistakenly airing some angry conversation; the limited time between classes -- three minutes in a school that is the size of a very large city block), but the teachers and administrators took every opportunity to raise the specter of failure.

The range of ways you could fail was enormous -- from failing to fill out the proper paperwork to failing to secure a scholarship. Inducing anxiety about the mundane along with the potentially life-changing results in pure anxiety about everything. It's hard to keep perspective about what matters and what doesn't. The school uses back-to-school night to ask parents to ally themselves with teachers against the child.

One guidance counselor, who acted like she was reporting from a subdivision of the police force, held up a piece of paper. "Do you see this?" she asked all the now (and formerly) petrified parents. "This is your paycheck." We stared back blankly. "This is the report card schedule. It will tell you how much you're getting paid. Your child's report card, you see, is the return you'll be getting on your investment. You've invested a lot in your children, and now it's pay-back time!"

She waved the report card schedule with a flourish while the parents waited obediently to try to make sense of what she was saying. I, for one, kept trying to reconcile everything-my-daughter-means-to-me with the idea that the flimsy letter grades that will some day be coming home on a flimsy piece of paper are somehow a form of compensation -- something she owes me.

Years ago, Paulo Freire criticized the banking model of education, whereby teachers treat students like a passive vault that holds knowledge. Teachers put the knowledge in and then get it back out in the form of tests or homework. But the guidance counselor on back-to-school night brought the banking model of education to a whole new level. "You'll be getting a good return on your investment," she said, "if your child brings home As and Bs. But if your child is bringing home Cs," and here, I swear, she wagged her finger at us, "you are not getting the paycheck you deserve."

I don't even believe in grades, and I'm not too fond of traditional schooling, but this lady was scaring me. All the ways I know my kid and feel confidence in her were getting crowded out by fear. People are judged by letter grades, after all, and what if hers aren't good? What if she doesn't get into college? What if she doesn't get a scholarship? What if she fails? What if we fail her by not instilling enough fear in her about her potential failure? What will we do? What will we do? When we got home, I asked to see her notebooks. "The teachers all say we're supposed to be checking your notebooks once a week to ensure you're not getting behind in anything."

She indicated her backpack loaded with binders and 10-pound textbooks. "Feel free," she said nonchalantly, but I could tell she was surprised. We had never checked her work before. We just trusted she was doing her best and would ask if she needed help. This system was working fine. It didn't feel good to change gears and perform this policing function. Nor did I relish the fact that in subsequent weeks, I was starting to ask, "So, how'd you do on that test? How's your grade in biology?" No wonder she didn't want me to go to the Parent-Teacher Council meeting. She could see I was not immune to their fear-inspiring tactics. After years of homeschooling and being outside of traditional, fear-based schooling, her armature against these tactics was perhaps in better condition than mine.

When you participate in an institution, you start traveling down the pathways that the institution offers you. You speak the language because otherwise you won't be understood. The institution of school prepares you for the institution of work and passive citizenship -- key ingredients to maintaining the current power structure. Fear limits your creativity; swinging back and forth between punishment and reward keeps you oriented toward external motivators; arbitrary authority acclimates you to subservience; severe boredom dulls your mind, lowers your expectations, and teaches you how to tolerate life rather than be an agent in it.

Many of the kids graduating from this school will end up in jobs -- either white-collar or blue, where they carry out orders. Perhaps a few will be in positions of power where they make important decisions and give orders. But all will have been trained to think that there is no other way it could be. They will learn, too, that the parameters of the institution allow for occasional random acts of kindness (the next generation's selfless teachers) at one end and extreme acts of evil at the other (the next generation's abusive cops). Systemic evils (war, profiteering, racism, sexism, etc.) will go largely unnoticed because they are the roads we walk, the language we speak, the walls we live inside of everyday. That's what schools teach: the parameters are set. You must operate within them. There's no point in contesting them. Get used to it.

When my daughter failed to note her section number in the designated spot on her art project, she received an F, and the teacher threw the piece away. I emailed the teacher, expressing respect for the challenges of having so many students, but also registering our concern about how demoralizing his tactics were. He did not write back, but he told Zoe the next day that he would give her partial credit for her work. "What does partial credit mean?" I found myself asking her as if that is what mattered. It's not what matters, but there's no other way to engage with her teacher, and so you use the language that is best understood -- that of grades and credit, rather than what matters much more, i.e., creativity, expression, critical thinking, collective engagement, and effort.

And it's not the teacher's fault either. He has about 150 students -- Boston public high schools having a 31-student-per-class maximum. And he functions in the same overly stressed environment with insufficient resources. On the same day he slammed my kid with the F, he had been yelling at the class for wasting paint. Maybe he had hit the wall himself, dealing with the contradictions of being an art teacher in an overcrowded school with not enough money for paint and the asinine job of assigning grades to students' work.

Everyone, then, is required to function according to the norms of the institution. Teachers, too, deal with arbitrary authority (from administrators, state and city budget decisions, work rules, and standardized tests). Then they turn around and dish it out. More examples: Zoe's A in Latin got significantly reduced when the teacher discovered her binder was not properly organized. She almost got a zero on an English test because she had left one question blank. Why? Because she didn't understand the question. But then she heard the teacher announce that leaving any blanks would result in a zero, so she went back to her desk and made up something that she thought would fit. She received full credit, thus learning an important lesson in bullshitting.

Maybe it's not so bad to learn how to bullshit. And maybe we could all use some experience dealing with arbitrary authority and rigid institutional requirements. They are key survival skills. But as parents we should watch out for the ways we help do the school's dirty work. One parent I know got upset because her kid's biology teacher was not keeping up with the assigned pace for moving through the textbook. How would her child do on the mandatory citywide biology test at the end of the year if the teacher didn't keep up? What gets the parent's attention is the teacher's failure to stick to norms. But is anyone asking if the norms make sense?

I find myself feeling appalled at the content in her textbooks. And then I feel appalled that the schools are so underfunded that they don't have enough of them. How contradictory is that? "These textbooks suck, and you should get more of them."

How many other parents, are out there pushing schools to live up to their norms without questioning those norms in the first place?

How many parents are abiding by the terms set by the school system and agreeing to play enforcer at home?

The only teacher I really learned anything from in high school was my AP U.S. history teacher who never made it past the Rosenbergs. He got stuck there because it was a powerful moment in history and it really mattered. I remember how he challenged us to think and how I could tell that that mattered to him more than anything else did. Students were upset with him for failing to put them through their paces. Their AP scores would surely suffer. But I remember -- even at the time -- feeling grateful that he expected me to think. And to think hard.

There is pleasure in thinking hard and using your mind to solve problems you are interested in. That's what I want for my kid -- and for every kid. Not just for its liberatory aspects, but because the survival of the planet probably depends on it.

My daughter is no doubt getting something positive from her school. Many of her teachers genuinely care about the kids and their ability to learn. But the requirements of the institution include the fundamental lessons: Do what you're told. Don't ask why. Accept arbitrary punishment and reward. Reduce your expectations. Nobody said life was fair or fun. You can hold on until the weekend, the next holiday, graduation, a week's vacation from your job, and finally retirement. We all know what happens after that. You die. And the best you can hope for is that it all flew by, like the radio station promises?

Tuesday, December 12, 2006

STATE & FEDERAL PROGRAMS FORCING CHRISTIAN RIGHT ON PRISONERS

NY TIMES - Life was different in Unit E at the state prison outside Newton, Iowa. The toilets and sinks white porcelain ones, like at home were in a separate bathroom with partitions for privacy. In many Iowa prisons, metal toilet-and-sink combinations squat beside the bunks, to be used without privacy, a few feet from cellmates.

The cells in Unit E had real wooden doors and doorknobs, with locks. More books and computers were available, and inmates were kept busy with classes, chores, music practice and discussions. There were occasional movies and events with live bands and real-world food, like pizza or sandwiches from Subway. Best of all, there were opportunities to see loved ones in an environment quieter and more intimate than the typical visiting rooms.

But the only way an inmate could qualify for this kinder mutation of prison life was to enter an intensely religious rehabilitation program and satisfy the evangelical Christians running it that he was making acceptable spiritual progress. The program which grew from a project started in 1997 at a Texas prison with the support of George W. Bush, who was governor at the time says on its Web site that it seeks to cure prisoners by identifying sin as the root of their problems and showing inmates how God can heal them permanently, if they turn from their sinful past. . .

For Robert W. Pratt, chief judge of the federal courts in the Southern District of Iowa, this all added up to an unconstitutional use of taxpayer money for religious indoctrination, as he ruled in June in a lawsuit challenging the arrangement.

The Iowa prison program is not unique. Since 2000, courts have cited more than a dozen programs for having unconstitutionally used taxpayer money to pay for religious activities or evangelism aimed at prisoners, recovering addicts, job seekers, teenagers and children.

Nevertheless, the programs are proliferating. For example, the Corrections Corporation of America, the nation s largest prison management company, with 65 facilities and 71,000 inmates under its control, is substantially expanding its religion-based curriculum and now has 22 institutions offering residential programs similar to the one in Iowa. And the federal Bureau of Prisons, which runs at least five multi-faith programs at its facilities, is preparing to seek bids for a single-faith prison program as well.

Government agencies have been repeatedly cited by judges and government auditors for not doing enough to guard against taxpayer-financed evangelism. But some constitutional lawyers say new federal rules may bar the government from imposing any special requirements for how faith-based programs are audited.

New York Times Article (requires registration)

Another evangelical minister resigns over homosexuality

As far as I'm concerned, this is a non-issue.
These self-loathing men, with their obsessive condemnations of all things homosexual, have made this a hot-button, front-page leader.
They burn in fires of their own making.--Pete

By Melissa McEwan
Posted on December 12, 2006, Printed on December 12, 2006
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/mcewan/45408/
Here we go again:
In a tearful videotaped message Sunday to his congregation, the senior pastor of a thriving evangelical megachurch in south metro Denver confessed to sexual relations with other men and announced he had voluntarily resigned his pulpit.
A month ago, the Rev. Paul Barnes of Grace Chapel in Doug las County preached to his 2,100-member congregation about integrity and grace in the aftermath of the Ted Haggard drugs-and-gay-sex scandal.

But that didn't stop him from hiding that he's gay until someone called the church claiming to have "overheard a conversation in which someone mentioned 'blowing the whistle' on evangelical preachers engaged in homosexuality, including Barnes." Barnes was confronted and then confessed to "sexual infidelity" before resigning.

I love this response from the associate pastor at Barnes' former church when asked if this situation would "expose the evangelical community to further charges of hypocrisy":

"The criticism is valid if you look at perfection being the mark, because the next person who stands at our pulpit is going to be guilty of not being perfect as well," he said. "Does that mean we have to change what we say about the word of God? We can't do that."

Well, actually, you can. There was a time when the word of God supposedly justified slavery, for instance -- and I bet you're not preaching that these days. But aside from that, it's not what you say that's the problem -- it's more the fact that you're pursuing/supporting discriminatory legislation based on your beliefs, which is predicated on judgment, condemnation, and punishment, all of which are meant to be left up to the Almighty according to the same book you cite as justification for hating on the gays. Just keep your damn noses out of other people's business, and I think you'll find that a lot fewer people give a crap what you say about the word of God from your own pulpit.

Michael Stickings grouses that we'll see the same scenario we always seem to see in these situations: "He'll get away with it. Just like Haggard will. He'll say all the right things. He'll talk of his life-long struggle against sin, of fallen man. He will repent and find redemption, and he will be forgiven, because those in his church cannot bring themselves to admit that homosexuality not only is not a sin but is natural and normal." He'll be "cured," and the church will pretend nothing ever happened and busily get back to trying to ruin the lives of gay people brave enough to live an honest life.

Rinse. Repeat.

(The Reaction)

Melissa McEwan writes and edits the blog Shakespeare's Sister.

© 2006 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/mcewan/45408/

Waxman opens fire on Blackwater …

By Joshua Holland
Posted on December 12, 2006, Printed on December 12, 2006
http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/joshua/45413/

A few months ago I wrote:

If you were to gather together the finest, most creative minds and ask them to come up with a plan to outsource the reconstruction of Iraq that would guarantee shoddy work, overcharges, unfinished projects and overt graft, they would probably devise a system very similar to what U.S. taxpayers have enjoyed -- to the tune of about $30 billion -- for the past three years.

Enter Henry Waxman, incoming chair of the House Government Reform Committee, with a perfect example. He wants to know "why Blackwater USA" -- a premier modern mercenary firm -- "was paid so much for security work in Iraq -- and why, in fact, the North Carolina company was paid at all."

Taxpayers paid exorbitant prices for Blackwater's services, U.S. Rep. Henry Waxman wrote in a letter to outgoing Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld…
The California congressman said that Blackwater's services were not just pricey, but prohibited, because the Army never authorized Blackwater or any other Halliburton subcontractors to guard convoys or carry weapons. Houston-based Halliburton has been paid at least $16 billion to provide food, lodging and other support for troops in Iraq, and $2.4 billion to work on Iraqi oil infrastructure.
Waxman demanded "whether and how the Army intends to recover taxpayer funds paid to Halliburton and Blackwater for services prohibited under [Halliburton's] contract." [ht: FireDogLake]

In this instance, Blackwater was a sub-sub-contractor for Halliburton. The way many of these reconstruction deals are structured -- as massive, "bundled," cost-plus contracts -- no firm on the planet has the staff and resources to do the job itself. So instead of awarding dozens of contracts on a competitive basis to firms that specialize in, say, road construction or building sewage treatment plants or convoy security -- an approach that would give smaller, hungrier companies a shot at some of the action -- you take dozens of different jobs and lump them all together in one megaproject.

Then the prime contractor effectively takes over the government's oversight role. And while anti-government types claim that they have a profit motive to ensure efficient service from their sub-contractors, the opposite is true: cost-plus contracts -- contracts that deliver a specified profit margin on top of what the firms pay out to whoever does the actual work -- give the prime contractor a motive to ignore waste and fraud. Consider the case at hand:

At the lowest level, Blackwater security guards were paid $600 a day. Blackwater added a 36 percent markup, plus overhead costs, and sent the bill to a Kuwaiti company that ordinarily runs hotels, according to the contract.
That company, Regency Hotel, tacked on costs and profit and sent an invoice to ESS. The food company added its costs and profit and sent its bill to Kellogg Brown & Root, a division of Halliburton, which added overhead and profit and presented the final bill to the Pentagon.

Got that? The taxpayers shell out hundreds of thousands of dollars to train a soldier. That soldier goes to Blackwater to earn $600 a day working beside (unhappy) grunts making $50. Blackwater adds a chunk and bills a hotel in Kuwait, which adds a chunk and bills a food services company, which in turn adds a chunk and bills Halliburton subsidiary KBR. The taxpayers' have been had coming and going.

And it gets worse…

Tina Ballard, an undersecretary of the Army, testified in September that the Army had never authorized Halliburton or its subcontractors to carry weapons or guard convoys. Ballard testified that Blackwater provided no services for Halliburton or its subcontractors.
Waxman said ESS had sent him a memo saying the food company had hired Blackwater to provide security services under the Halliburton contract.
"If the ESS memo is accurate, it appears that Halliburton entered into a subcontracting arrangement that is expressly prohibited by the contract itself," Waxman wrote. "After more than two years, we still do not know how much ESS and Halliburton charged for these security services."
At a hearing in June, Blackwater vice president Chris Taylor testified that Blackwater's 36 percent markup included all the company's costs. Rep. Christopher Shays, a Connecticut Republican, interrupted, reminded Taylor he was under oath and ordered Blackwater to provide the documents to back up his testimony. Blackwater has not provided any of the contracts and other documents requested by the committee.
In Thursday's letter, Waxman said Taylor's testimony was wrong: Blackwater's contracts posted on The [News and Observer's] Web site showed that Blackwater billed separately for insurance, room and board, travel, weapons, ammunition, vehicles and office space, as The N&O article reported.

But, hey, I hear they've painted some schools.

Joshua Holland is a staff writer at Alternet and a regular contributor to The Gadflyer.

© 2006 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/bloggers/joshua/45413/